Iraq war: 10 years later we are stuck with thought-terminating clichés

38Allow me to make one thing clear in advance: this post is written from the perspective of someone who strongly supported the invasion of Iraq in 2003 and still maintains the same position. I am not claiming to be entirely unbiased.

That said, I always accepted, then and now, that there were legitimate reasons against the war. As with every complex foreign policy decision, different alternatives were evaluated and genuine pro and contra arguments presented for each possibility. It is a natural, democratic process and one that should be welcomed because, if we take such far-reaching decisions that have a severe impact on our own people and others, we should make sure that all opinions are represented in the process of the debate.

I have great respect for many of the people who opposed the invasion right from the start, including family members and close friends, and also for those who, over the cause of the war, shifted their standpoint from a pro-war to a contra-war position like, for instance, Professor Norman Geras.

Yes, I even understand them in a way. There were moments when I myself had severe doubts over some aspects of the invasion, although I can say in all honesty that I never came close to the point where I felt that we got it completely wrong and should have left Iraq alone. I still believe the removal of Saddam was a moral and just cause and that the positive implications outbalance the negative ones.

In particular, I had issues with several of the US-led coalition’s post-war policies, like the disbanding of the Iraqi army and the De-Ba’athification. The greatest mistake, in my view, was the American exit policy. After the surge of 2007 under the leadership of General Petraeus, it was fair to say, for the first time, that we won the peace in Iraq. But when the Obama administration pulled out too quickly and over-hastily, the situation began to deteriorate again and that was the moment we once more lost the peace in Iraq.

This brings me back to my original point about the pro and contra arguments for the invasion. The greatest issue I have with the opposition to the war is that a significant part of the anti-war movement opposed the invasion not for the right but all the wrong reasons.

In fact, very few of those who marched on the streets of London 10 years ago, had previously spoken out against the intolerable cruelties committed by Saddam’s fascist regime against his own people. Unlike, for instance Tony Blair, who already spoke about the brutal and inhumane nature of Saddam’s rule in the 1990s, long before the Bush administration took office.

Too many of those who were protesting against the war were doing it because of their own, petty politics. As Nick Cohen pointed out, the anti-war movement united the worst elements of the Left – an amalgam of Marxist Leninists, George Galloway fanboys, and radical Islamists.  Their motives were not so much rooted in the humanitarian tradition and a genuine concern for the Iraqi people, but were rather an expression of their deep-rooted anti-Western and anti-establishment sentiments.

Opposition to the war per se was a legitimate and moral position to hold. The tragedy is that the movement was hijacked by individuals with a highly suspicious agenda, who used it for their own ideological and political crusade against those who they despise.

The wellbeing of the Iraqi people was never really central to their cause.

What saddens me is that 10 years later we are basically still stuck in the same level of ignorance. Three points, in particular, are worth addressing.

First of all, as John Rentoul wrote the other day, the opinion of Iraqis is almost entirely absent from the debate, with the possible exception of the Kurds, whose position is rather well-known, as a result of a long history of suffering under Saddam’s regime. But we still know very little about the thoughts of average Iraqis. My prediction is that we would not find a clear cut set of opinion. Neither would the vast majority say that the war was a success, nor that the war was a total failure. Rather, I predict, we would get a variety of views with some arguing that, on balance, they are better off or, on balance, they are worse off.  Furthermore, I would expect the result to be different now than, let’s say, three or four years ago. Ever since the pull-out of the Americans, the situation has deteriorated again and, at the moment, Iraq is also suffering not only from internal Shia-Sunni strife, but spill-over effects from the war in Syria. In recent months, we have seen a sharp increase in terrorist attacks, as Assad’s murderous campaign allowed al-Qaida to slip back into Iraq.

The second point is that the counter-argument is also almost entirely absent from the debate. While it is, of course, rested exclusively on hypotheses, it would be wrong not to take into account the scenario of Iraq still being ruled by Saddam and the implications entailed – a consideration made by Fraser Nelson.

And finally, it is quite tragic that we still cannot have a “moderate” debate about the war in Iraq in which both sides acknowledge that they got some things wrong and some things right. For people like myself that means to admit that, while, on balance, removing Saddam was the right thing to do, we got several things terribly wrong which led to chaos and bloodshed. It is important to learn the right lessons from Iraq, especially if we are going to advocate interventions in the future. At the same time, it is of critical importance not to overlearn the lessons of Iraq. Just because we did not get everything right, does not mean that intervention is always wrong and always causes more harm than good. Several examples, such as Sierra Leone and Kosovo, have proven the opposite. The Iraq war did not discredit the notion of liberal interventionism altogether and it would only be fair of those who opposed the war to acknowledge that we, too, had genuine and legitimate reasons to support the overthrow of a totalitarian, fascist regime.

Only when we start meeting in the middle and realise that Iraq was so much more than a clear cut case, a black and white, right and wrong decision, we can do the debate justice. Apparently, 10 years were not enough, as became clear during the event organised by Huffington Post’s Mehdi Hasan the other week. Maybe, we have to wait another 20 years and leave it to the historians to have an open-minded and intellectually rigorous discussion about the war. In the end, only the Iraqis themselves can determine whether the war was, after all, a success story. And that maybe is also a call too early to make.

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66 thoughts on “Iraq war: 10 years later we are stuck with thought-terminating clichés

  1. Let it be known that Hussein was a terrible, brutal and selfish man. But whilst the Iraqi people lived in fear during his rein. They did not live as a third world country without clean water and long periods without electricity. They also did live in fear of Terrorism. As the famous quote goes “he may be an asshole, but he is our asshole”.

    • This may be true. But unfortunately, that’s a byproduct of war. Infrastructure gets destroyed. Domestic security suffers. Economy plummets. Look at Germany or Japan after World War II; Believe it or not, neither country fully recovered from that war until the mid to late 80s. This is why I disagree with the Obama pull-out. At least with somebody from our side there, the Iraqis can rely on some help with the process. As it is now, they’ve been left on their own. And that could be worse in the long term.

  2. If I’m understanding you, you’re saying that the intervention in Kosovo did not cause more harm than good. I’m Serbian, living in Serbia, and I’m surrounded by thousands of Serbian people who have been displaced from Kosovo in 1999 and can never go home because they are no longer welcome in the new “independent” state of Kosovo. I think they would disagree with your argument, as do I.

  3. Yours is the first article supporting the war that I’ve been able to both finish and appreciate. Bravo for your thinking processes and ability to see multiple sides –
    I also thank you for the links – - I truly try to listen to those who hold opinions different from my own, but so often I find myself unable to find a coherent and thoughtful display of opinion regarding those topics that divide and destroy us.
    I’m so glad you got Freshly Pressed, so I could find you. I really enjoyed this piece and look forward to reading more from those whose work you cited. :)

  4. There are several issues with your argument. The jury is out on the legality of the war as we still await the Chilcot report. Your attempt to find a balanced view does not extend to the British public who were incensed by the plan to invade when the thrust of the pro lobby was based on WMD which had not been found at the time, and the demographic analysis echos the Met.Police argument for kettling student and G20 protesters. Democracy encapsulates the right to protest which is a large part of your reasoned argument for taking out Saddam. In conclusion, I am not convinced by the fairness in your summation.

      • Does this render Chilcot a charade? Extending to 1,000,000 words it must say something which will clarify the legality of the British Governments undertaking. I still dont understand why, in light of the events that followed, George Bush did not remove Saddam first time round. Thanks for your reply.Will continue reading

    • The Chilcot panel is not qualified to offer a credible opinion on the legality of the invasion. None of the members have the legal qualification to make such a determination.

      Nor is the jury out. This has already been put to an independent panel of legal experts in the Dutch inquiry and the verdict was as damning as it was unambiguous. The war had no basis in international law.

      • It is highly unlikely that there will ever be a final consensus about the legality of the 2003 invasion and the related question of whether or not military action was the last resort. While those who supported the invasion read UNSCR 1441 permissively, others regarded it as restrictively.

        I will make the case for the former.

        UNSCR 1441 established that Iraq was in material breach of previous resolutions and gave the regime ‘a final opportunity to comply’. According to operational paragraph 4, a failure to comply immediately, unconditionally and unrestrictedly constituted a further material breach per se, without further UNSC authorisation. This, in return, sanctioned ‘serious consequences’, as indicated in operational paragraph 13 (UN, 2002).

        From a legal perspective, it is critical to note that the agreement of the international community with the Iraqi regime, in the post-Gulf War period, was based upon a conditional ceasefire, outlined in UNSCR 687. Resolution 678 established the authority to use force and provided the legal basis for interventions in 1993 and 1998 under the Clinton administration. Since it had ‘not been terminated by the Security Council’, it was possible, in the opinion of Greenwood, to revive the mandate, given a breach of obligations by Iraq (Greenwood, 2002).

        UNSCR 1441 established that such a breach had occurred, not once but twice, and represented a legal reactivation of previous resolutions. As Greenwood convincingly argued, intervention was lawfully ‘taken in accordance with a fresh mandate from the Security Council’ (Greenwood, 2002).

        It is also interesting to note that Wood, one of the Foreign Office lawyers who argued against the legality of the war, confirmed that, in legal terms, it makes no difference to refer to ‘serious consequences’, as in UNSCR 1441, or ‘all necessary measures’, as it was the case with Libya (Chilcot Inquiry, 2011). Given that Iraq is frequently deemed illegal, the fact that UNSCR 1441 was adopted unanimously, in contrast to UNSCR 1973 where five countries abstained, the ambiguity of international law is being exposed.

        * Other respected international lawyers have confirmed Greenwood’s verdict. As, for example, Anthony Aust in a BBC Radio 4 interview in December 2002; Malcolm Shaw in an article in the Sunday Times in January 2010 (not accessibly anymore); and Iain Macleod in his written statement to the Chilcot Inquiry http://www.iraqinquiry.org.uk/media/46466/macleod-statement.pdf

  5. The motivations you state as central to the anti-war position at the outset are not anything I heard from anyone I saw or knew demonstrating against the war. It doesn’t mean they didn’t exist, but I am surprised.

    There were two main reasons I heard against the war: 1) We were being lied to in an attempt to get us to support the war, which made the war isuspect, and 2) War in itself is wrong and harmful and should be avoided whenever possible.

    I really don’t think our interventions in the Middle East in any country in the last 25 years have been helpful. There may have been interventions we should have made and didn’t, or interventions we needed to make but handled badly, but all I see after decades of war in that region is destabilization and scapegoating of the West. I can’t claim to know what the right thing to do was in any given situation, but what we have done has not by and large helped.

    At some point, we need stop trying to be right and try to figure out how to help.

  6. What “liberal interventionalism” has shown is that (a) it stops being liberal on the next day following the invasion (b) it gets down to a dirty and bloody survival campaign which kills more people than had been killed before it and (c) it is a time bomb, not controlled by the interventialists, that can blow up whole regions on this planet. We are yet to see the consequences of Kosovo, here, in Europe. Not in the US.

  7. Great article, I think you make a very valid point. Too often human rights abuses committed by oppressive regimes become politicised for improper motives, leaving the needs and views of the victims often unheard or ignored.

  8. You write:
    “Too many of those who were protesting against the war were doing it because of their own, petty politics…. an expression of their deep-rooted anti-Western and anti-establishment sentiments.”

    Uh, actually most people were opposed to it because it was an unprovoked attack justified to the public with lies.

    Most people who opposed the invasion beforehand opposed it because it was a non sequitur as a part of the war on terrorism and because the rationale seemed inadequate. Not, as you say, because they were Marxists or radical Islamists. Many people came to oppose it afterward because it was so badly mishandled (in particular the deBaathification you noted and the disbanding of the military, which left countless thousands of unemployed guys with guns standing around with nothing to do but be angry at the guys who just fired them).

    Apart from the question of having proof of a nonexistent arsenal of WMD, George Bush also lied about whether he’d already decided to invade Iraq. He said in early 2002, “Fuck Saddam, we’re taking him out.” On March 8 2003, Bush said in his weekly radio address, “We are doing everything we can to avoid war in Iraq.”

    • This is basically what I was thinking. Thanks for saying it.
      I also thought this:

      “Too many of those who were promoting the war were doing it because of their own, petty politics. The pro-war movement united the worst elements of the Right – an amalgam of neoconservatives, Max Boot fanboys, and fundamentalist Christians. Their motives were not so much rooted in the humanitarian tradition and a genuine concern for the Iraqi people, but were rather an expression of their deep-rooted pro-Western and anti-Muslim sentiments. Opposition to Saddam per se was a legitimate and moral position to hold. The tragedy is that the movement was hijacked by individuals with a highly suspicious agenda, who used it for their own ideological and political crusade against those who they despise.”

      …is an essentially true statement; at least, that’s how it seemed to a helluva lot of us in the United States.

      • You replaced George Galloway, the man who is on tape saluting Saddam Hussein’s “strength, courage, and indefatigablity”, with Max Boot, an acclaimed author and member of the Council on Foreign Relations. Thanks for exposing your moral relativism.

      • Actually I didn’t have any idea who Galloway was and didn’t bother to look him up. But I do distinctly remember Max Boot comparing Saddam to Hitler in the New York Times and advocating most vigorously for war. OR was that Victor Davis Hanson? No real difference.

        Two other minor points: The CFR actively recruits people of widely differing views, so not sure what that citation has to do with anything. And frankly, anyone who voices extreme views and convinces someone to give them a platform to shout from will be acclaimed by someone.

        My larger point was simply that your bias, when flipped, is just as appropriate. I was trying to show you the other side.

      • Barring the Max Boot statement, you’re right Ernest. In America, that’s how the pro-war folks seemed to me as well: It wasn’t about anything moral or altruistic; The majority made it about culture and blind nationalism.

        And nothing bad’s ever come from blind nationalism now, has it?

  9. Great post, reading such things from a point of view that is clear to follow is much needed. I had wished that unlike posters on much of these types of blog(s) it would have had a point of view from the one being asked to do our dirty work. The spoils of war that are not gold or silver but are verbal and cherished just the same, words that can only be spoken from someone who was there. Protesters have always failed to have good quality opinions when they protest from a far, this was a world away and the protesters here in america were doing nothing but surfing the emotional charged words given to them from the ignorant media. Great post and i enjoyed reading it.

  10. Most of the Iraqis I talk to shrug their shoulders when I ask whether things are better now than they were in the past. I’ve never heard a full fledged “yes” . I’ve heard “no” from a few.
    But a question that is always met with an energetic, unequivocal “yes” is whether the invasion was a mistake.
    I fully agree with them and I wonder, a decade on, with all the tragic consequences unfolding under our very eyes, what arguments could be used to still defend the pro-invasionist position (based, at the time it was taken, on lies, incomplete truths and fabricated evidence).

  11. Let’s not overlook the willingness of the American president and Congress to go to war, but not to fund it fully — and to then use that resulting deficit as an excuse that “we can’t afford” programs like Social Security and Medicare. I remember their denial at the time that the war would cost over a trillion dollars, as its opponents claimed.
    As you argue, clear policy thinking was a rare element in this entire affair, and the consequences have been staggering.

    • Exactly! Let’s not forget that.

      (The details of that, for those who don’t remember: “Former White House economic adviser Lawrence Lindsey reckoned that the conflict would cost $100 billion to $200 billion; Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld later called his estimate “baloney.” Administration officials insisted that the costs would be more like $50 billion to $60 billion. In April 2003, Andrew S. Natsios, the thoughtful head of the U.S. Agency for International Development, said on “Nightline” that reconstructing Iraq would cost the American taxpayer just $1.7 billion. Ted Koppel, in disbelief, pressed Natsios on the question, but Natsios stuck to his guns.”) http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2008-03-09/opinions/36903374_1_cost-iraq-world-war-ii

  12. “I’m one of those people that changed his mind after the truth about WMD came out revealing that it was another fabrication used as an excuse to start what many in America still consider to be a just war.”

    There is a difference between a deliberate lie and unintentionally passing on erroneous information. If it had been a conspiracy all along, the US and UK governments would have made sure that biological and chemical weapons were found in Iraq. Anything else is an affront to their intelligence.

    “I think it is hypocrisy to support the war in Iraq based on moral grounds without waging war against all of these other brutal, autocratic, and oppressive regimes across the globe.”

    It has absolutely nothing to do with hypocrisy. Your argument goes like this: I cannot help all starving children on the planet, so I’m not going to help any starving child at all.

  13. I want to add that just because the blood-for-oil theory is not the issue today, evidence supports that it was one of the factors behind the decisions being made back then. Of course, events since before 9/11 have changed the motivations that are driving US foreign policy today.

  14. I don’t avoid your questions. I have written extensively about the Iraq war and have built professional credentials with it. I have answered the questions you raised many times in the past. Bottom line: I don’t accept your line of argument and you don’t accept mine.

  15. True, we don’t agree. It seems that you focus on a narrow picture with a tight frame, while I look at a much broader one—a vast panoramic landscape.

    To explain my thinking, for example, is similar to predicting the weather in a local region. If we ignore the world’s current and historical wind and weather patterns and only focus on what is happening in the United States, the odds are that we will always get it wrong because global weather and wind patterns on one side of the world will eventually influence the weather on the other side of the world.

    We could use pollution to support that theory. It has been proven scientifically that global wind currents carry China’s air pollution to the United States but at the same time the air pollution produced in America is carried to Europe and the pollution created in Europe is carried toward Russia, the Middle East and India.

    The same principal may be applied to the global influence of political and historical dynamics of any region such as Iraq.

    At the end of World War I, a defeated Germany was punished economically and this led to the rise of Hitler and the Nazi’s leading to World War II. At the end of World War II, if the Allied powers had rebuilt Germany’s infrastructure, World War II may never have happened—at least not in the way it did. Maybe there would have been other causes for a Second World War later but with an economically healthy Germany, I doubt that Germany would have started it. Maybe Russia but without the US helping to industrialize Russia during World War II so Russia could manufacture its own tanks, and fighter/bomber aircraft at home, then the Russian military would have been rather incapable of waging a war of global conquest.

    If Commodore Perry had not forced Japan to open its doors to world trade in 1854, then Japan may never have invaded China on such a massive scale and dragged the US into World War II by bombing Peal Harbor.

    Therefore, I feel that focusing on one region, such as Iraq, to explain the possible future political and economic outcomes in that country while ignoring the flow of world history as it has happened and as it is happening—and America’s specific history to track national/international political behavior pattern—will, in the end, show us what may happen in Iraq.

    To see Iraq for what it really is, we must study the social and political dynamics of this area going back several centuries and as we do this we discover that Iraq was created by the British Empire as it was retracting after World War II. The Iraq of a today was not a consequence of natural historical events taking place specifically between the countries of that region.

    For example, due to how the British Empire split Pakistan from India and forgot to draw a border on an arid, ice and snow bound region in the mountains area between India and China in Kashmir led to more than one war between Pakistan and India giving rise to both of these countries becoming nuclear powers. In fact, if it were not for the British Empire there probably would be no India, Bangladesh or Pakistan today. Instead, there might be several countries ruled by monarchs.

    In addition, returning to the Japan string that supports my theory, if Japan had not invaded China, the Communist Party under Mao would not have won the Civil War against the KMT and rule China today.

    Introducing democracy the neoconservative way when G. W. Bush barged into Iraq using WMD as his excuse to rid one country of a brutal dictator—when many countries have brutal dictators—does not mean a Western style republic and/or democracy will ever flourish there.

    Instead, the Iraq War may eventually be the catalyst for a wider, global conflict as has happened many times before when a super power such as the United States or the British Empire in the 19th and 20th centuries meddles in the political affairs of another country. If that happens, then someone in the future may look back and say if G.W. Bush had only left Saddam in place, as brutal as he was, we would have never fought World War III where hundreds of millions may die. Instead, Bush should have focused on Al Qaeda and Afghanistan from the start and been satisfied with containing Saddam until history swept him and his sons from power.

    Even Iran is a perfect example of this sort of meddling. If the US had left Iran alone in the first place and allowed the democratic process to continue there even if it wasn’t the political direction the US wanted Iran to move, we probably would not have a fundamentalist Shiite Islam state in Iran today that is anti American and certainly working toward having nuclear weapons moving the world closer to a holocaust of immense proportions that may destroy civilization as we know it.

    America’s capitalistic driven paranoid fears of socialist/communist political and economic theories caused the United States to make many mistakes including the almost twenty years of war in Vietnam.

    With patience, the United States could have waited it out sparing millions of deaths and much suffering and maintained a modern and powerful military as a deterrent and as we now know, the communist/socialist theory is a failure. Communist Russia is gone. China and Vietnam are one party states with growing capitalist economies and Cuba is now following that same path.

    Even our global war with terrorism today is fallout from America’s political policies when Russia was fighting its losing war in Afghanistan. The Islamists America supported against Russia eventually turned on the United States because the US did not follow through when that war ended and made the same mistake it make after World War I.
    True, we don’t agree. It seems that you focus on a narrow picture while I look at a much broader one.

    To explain my thinking, for example, is similar to predicting the weather in a local region. If we ignore the world’s current and historical wind and weather patterns and only focus on what is happening in the United States, the odds are that we will always get it wrong because global weather and wind patterns on one side of the world will eventually influence the weather on the other side of the world.

    We could use pollution to support that theory. It has been proven scientifically that global wind currents carry China’s air pollution to the United States but at the same time the air pollution produced in America is carried to Europe and the pollution created in Europe is carried toward Russia, the Middle East and India.

    The same principal may be applied to the global influence of political and historical dynamics of any region such as Iraq.

    At the end of World War I, a defeated Germany was punished economically and this led to the rise of Hitler and the Nazi’s leading to World War II. At the end of World War II, if the Allied powers had rebuilt Germany’s infrastructure, World War II may never have happened—at least not in the way it did. Maybe there would have been other causes for a Second World War later but with an economically healthy Germany, I doubt that Germany would have started it. Maybe Russia but without the US helping to industrialize Russia during World War II so Russia could manufacture its own tanks, and fighter/bomber aircraft at home, then the Russian military would have been rather incapable of waging a war of global conquest.

    If Commodore Perry had not forced Japan to open its doors to world trade in 1854, then Japan may never have invaded China on such a massive scale and dragged the US into World War II by bombing Peal Harbor.

    Therefore, I feel that focusing on one region, such as Iraq, to explain the possible future political and economic outcomes in that country while ignoring the flow of world history as it has happened and as it is happening—and America’s specific history to track national/international political behavior pattern—will, in the end, show us what may happen in Iraq.

    To see Iraq for what it really is, we must study the social and political dynamics of this area going back several centuries and as we do this we discover that Iraq was created by the British Empire as it was retracting after World War II. The Iraq of a today was not a consequence of natural historical events taking place specifically between the countries of that region.

    For example, due to how the British Empire split Pakistan from India and forgot to draw a border on an arid, ice and snow bound region in the mountains area between India and China in Kashmir led to more than one war between Pakistan and India giving rise to both of these countries becoming nuclear powers. In fact, if it were not for the British Empire there probably would be no India, Bangladesh or Pakistan today. Instead, there might be several countries ruled by monarchs.

    In addition, returning to the Japan string that supports my theory, if Japan had not invaded China, the Communist Party under Mao would not have won the Civil War against the KMT and rule China today.

    Introducing democracy the neoconservative way when G. W. Bush barged into Iraq using WMD as his excuse to rid one country of a brutal dictator—when many countries have brutal dictators—does not mean a Western style republic and/or democracy will ever flourish there.

    Instead, the Iraq War may eventually be the catalyst for a wider, global conflict as has happened many times before when a super power such as the United States or the British Empire in the 19th and 20th centuries meddles in the political affairs of another country. If that happens, then someone in the future may look back and say if G.W. Bush had only left Saddam in place, as brutal as he was, we would have never fought World War III where hundreds of millions may die. Instead, Bush should have focused on Al Qaeda and Afghanistan from the start and been satisfied with containing Saddam until history swept him and his sons from power.

    Even Iran is a perfect example of this sort of meddling. If the US had left Iran alone in the first place and allowed the democratic process to continue there even if it wasn’t the political direction the US wanted Iran to move, we probably would not have a fundamentalist Shiite Islam state in Iran today that is anti American and certainly working toward having nuclear weapons moving the world closer to a holocaust of immense proportions that may destroy civilization as we know it.

    America’s capitalistic driven paranoid fears of socialist/communist political and economic theories caused the United States to make many mistakes including the almost twenty years of war in Vietnam.

    With patience, the United States could have waited it out sparing millions of deaths and much suffering and maintained a modern and powerful military as a deterrent and as we now know, the communist/socialist theory is a failure. Communist Russia is gone. China and Vietnam are one party states with growing capitalist economies and Cuba is now following that same path.

    Even our global war with terrorism today is fallout from America’s political policies when Russia was fighting its losing war in Afghanistan. The Islamists America supported against Russia eventually turned on the United States because the US did not follow through when that war ended and made the same mistake it make after World War I.

    Even the Tibetan issue of the last sixty-three years was caused by something the British Empire did in 1913.

  16. Correct me if I’m wrong, but I think this is your primary reason for still feeling that going to wear in Iraq was the right thing to do: “I still believe the removal of Saddam was a moral and just cause and that the positive implications outbalance the negative ones.”

    Now, compare that to my previous, long comment and see which one had a narrow frame.

    There is no argument that Saddam was a monster. In his genocidal campaign against the Kurds, it is estimated by Human Rights Watch that between 50,000 and 100,000 were killed.

    In fact, it has been estimated that Saddam’s regime was responsible for the deaths of at least 250,000 Iraqis. That’s a big number and if we use just that estimate we can arrive at how many died on an annual basis under this brutal beast.

    Saddam ruled Iraq for twenty-four years from 1979 to 2003. That means the average annual murder count was 10,416.

    Now, let’s compare that to the eight-year American war that rid Iraq of Saddam.

    Documented civilian deaths from violence in Iraq during the war has been estimated at 103,160 – 113,728. Other organizations have different numbers and the highest is 223,000. Of course, now that we are gone, the bombs keep going off killing more people but America cannot be held responsible for those because we are gone.

    If we take the lowest number, the annual murders due to the American war in Iraq added up to almost 13,000. If we take the highest estimate, that number climbs to almost 28,000 annually.

    In addition the quality of life in Iraq was lowered dramatically because the United States destroyed Iraq’s infrastructure during the brief war to oust Saddam. Rebuilding that infrastructure has been a challenge thanks to Islamic fundamentalists and the nature of political and financial corruption in Middle East Culture.

    Then there is the humanitarian crises caused by this prolonged and mismanaged war.

    Malnutrition rates have risen from 19% before the U.S. led invasion to a national average of 28% four years later. Some 60–70% of Iraqi children are suffering from psychological problems. 68% of Iraqis have no access to safe drinking water. A cholera outbreak in northern Iraq is thought to be the result of poor water quality. As many as half of Iraqi doctors have left the country since 2003.

    The Foreign Policy Association reported that “Perhaps the most perplexing component of the Iraq refugee crisis…has been the inability for the United States to absorb more Iraqis following the 2003 invasion of the country. To date, the United States has granted fewer than 800 Iraqis refugee status, granting just 133 in 2007. By contrast, the United States granted asylum to more than 100,000 Vietnamese refugees during the Vietnam War.”

    And the United Nations estimates that nearly 2.2 million Iraqis have fled the country since 2003, with nearly 100,000 fleeing to Syria and Jordan each month between 2003 and 2006. 1.4 million of those Iraqi refugees fled to Iran. When they come home, how much of an influence will Iran have had on those people?

    Dr. Haider Maliki, of the Central Pediatric Teaching Hospital in Baghdad estimated in 2010 that “28% of Iraqi children suffer some degree of PTSD, and their numbers are steadily rising.”

    Several million people remain internally displaced; several million others have fled the country. Unemployment is high. The health of women and children is the most vulnerable in Iraq and many Iraqis are hungry, and dependent on rations.

    A 2011 survey conservatively estimated that between 800,000 and a million Iraqi children have lost one or both parents.

    The war is not over yet. Even with the U.S. gone, civilians are still dying in significant numbers, and according to the Costs of War, all of these numbers may actually be much higher.

    Source: http://costsofwar.org/article/iraqi-civilians

    And last but not least there is this: “US intelligence helped Saddam’s Ba`ath Party seize power for the first time in 1963. Evidence suggests that Saddam was on the CIA payroll as early as 1959, when he participated in a failed assassination attempt against Iraqi strongman Abd al-Karim Qassem. In the 1980s, the US and Britain backed Saddam in the war against Iran, giving Iraq arms, money, satellite intelligence, and even chemical & bio-weapon precursors. As many as 90 US military advisors supported Iraqi forces and helped pick targets for Iraqi air and missile attacks.”

    So, the result of this idealistic, neoconservative pyrrhic American victory may have been worse than the Iraqi people still living with a monster called Saddam. Sometimes the devil we know is better than the devil we haven’t met yet—especially when the new devil is one we created.

  17. The bottom line is, the Bush Administration was looking for any excuse at all to invade Iraq. 9/11 gave them that opening. The misinformation fed to the public (including to N.Y.Times reporter Judith Miller) created the false impression (still believed by many Americans) that Saddam Hussein was in league with Osama Bin Laden. In fact, there was no such connection, and some in the intelligence community, including FBI special agent John O’Neill took issue with what they knew to be false intelligence reporting. The Bush Administration’s primary source of information as to the supposed existence of WMD’s, Ahmed Chalabi, had already been discredited by British Intelligence. Nevertheless, VP Cheney and Rumsfeld were so eager find any flimsy reason at all to go to war with Iraq that they overrode their own American Intelligence sources, as well as the Brits, to knowingly pass along highly suspect info to the public at home and abroad. Even former Secretary Colin Powell has admitted, and has apologized, that the info and the intell. he used to make his case to the U.N. for the invasion of Iraq was spurious, and that, in effect, he now understands he was used.
    Whether or not Hussein was a brutal dictator (of course he was, and had been even when we supported him in his war against Iran,) has never been the issue. Nor was the anti-war “movement” (it hardly existed in the U.S. at all) hijacked by radical leftists. That’s simply revisionism designed to make it appear in hindsight that, up until the war started, the only position that “reasonable” Americans had staked out was to support the war. But going to war with a nation that had not attacked us, nor had any reason to attack us, nor was involved in the attacks on 9/11 (and that context is very important here, since that was the implication expertly fostered by the Bush Administration) was the real moral evil here, because if a nation is willing to manipulate the evidence (and there is more than enough evidence that it did, modern neoconservative arguments notwithstanding,) then what does that say about the decision-making process in this country in regards to going to war?
    It seems that the new conservative defense of the Iraq War, now that this tragedy is about over, is to simply admit some strategic mistakes while defending the moral justness of this cause, and to, of course, find fault with the Obama Administration for winding down the war (no matter that the American public, including a majority of Republicans, were sick and tired of the war and wanted the troops to come back home as soon as possible.) The fact of the matter is, there was never any moral justification for this war. There will always be dictators in the world. Will you, or any of your conservative colleagues support wars in Africa to overthrow brutal dictators in that part of the world? If not, why not? Thousands of Americans, and perhaps hundreds of thousands of Iraqi’s, were killed or maimed in an unnecessary war, a war that also cost America untold billions of dollars of taxpayer funds. Now the same conservatives that supported this unfunded war (during which taxes were irresponsibly cut) are telling us that is it morally wrong for the federal government to continue to spend money it doesn’t have. Where were these folks when this unfunded war was being fought? Sorry, Julie, but the credibility of conservatives regarding this war, and the budget deficits that in large part have resulted from this war, is virtually nonexistent, regardless of the best efforts of today’s conservative revisionists.

    • My post explicitly refers to the British anti-war movement, 1 million people on the Streets of London, so don’t twist my arguments. Oh, and sorry to break down your stereotyped thinking but I’m not a signed up Conservative.

      • “Too many of those who were protesting against the war were doing it because of their own, petty politics. As Nick Cohen pointed out, the anti-war movement united the worst elements of the Left – an amalgam of Marxist Leninists, George Galloway fanboys, and radical Islamists. Their motives were not so much rooted in the humanitarian tradition and a genuine concern for the Iraqi people, but were rather an expression of their deep-rooted anti-Western and anti-establishment sentiments.

        Opposition to the war per se was a legitimate and moral position to hold. The tragedy is that the movement was hijacked by individuals with a highly suspicious agenda, who used it for their own ideological and political crusade against those who they despise.”

        Is this, or is this not, your point of view? The words I am “putting in your mouth” are directly from your article.

        Also, whether or not you identify as a conservative, your arguments would be received far more warmly in a room full of conservatives than they would among progressives, but I think you already know that.

      • I don’t do party politics. I have good friends on the Left and good friends on the Right. But feel free to put me into a box.

  18. I dont really agree with many of your points, but I feel you’ve put them forward with some balance and that makes for a pretty interesting article. I would like to say one thing though. You mentioned all the atrocities that Saddam Hussein had carried out against his own people, but is it not true that this happened when Saddam was one of UK and USA’s strongest allies in the Middle East? I’m quite positive that the UK and USA knew about these acts and chose to turn a blind eye because Saddam was willing to fight the Iranians at the time. Therefore I don’t think it was right for later British and American governments to use these acts as an excuse to remove Saddam from power.

    You also mentioned that “The Left” never had the well being of the Iraqi people at heart. I think the same can be said about “The Right”. UK and USA removed Saddam not because of how he treated his people (there were plenty of chances to do that prior to 2003, with the first Gulf War being the best chance to do so), they removed him because he was an old stubborn man who they could no longer deal with.

    I’m certain that had Iraq not been invaded, and had Saddam Hussein stayed in power, the Iraqi people would have eventually overthrown him themselves during the Arab Spring. Who knows, perhaps the Arab Spring would have started in a small town somewhere in Iraq instead of Sidi Bouzid, Tunisia.

  19. I have to correct something I said in my earlier comment. It wasn’t FBI counter-terrorism expert John O’Neill who argued that the intell. regarding the supposed connection between Hussein and Bin Laden was spurious. O’Neill was killed on 9/11. It was his colleague, Richard Clarke, who made that argument. The central point, however, remains valid.

  20. Completely agree with this article. I just threw one together relating to the whole affair, mentioning the debate with Aaronovitch etc (which was great). In the end, I have as little respect for the people for whom support was easy; it was never straightforward, and I admire anyone who has been the through the effort to consider whether they agreed or disagreed.

  21. Are you blind, the only(main) reason the US when into Iraq in the first place was to get leverage on the most valuable energy resource on this planet – Crude Oil. Sure Halliburton who CEO from 1995 – 2001 was none other than Dick Cheney. Halliburton oil services are now the mail facilitator of Iraqi crude, of the 2.9 mbl/d total production over 70% of this is now exported to the US….. Now tell me the Bush didn’t go in for the oil !!!

  22. Pingback: Iraq war: 10 years later we are stuck with thought-terminating clichés « insureyourmind

  23. My husband walked this land in 2003 after jumping in with the 173rd Airborne. He lived in the dirt for months and worked with many of the Iraqi people and various other units from various countries. They walked past mass graves of the people of Iraq. Weapons were found, but this did not make the news like many other horrible acts that happened. Many shall just remain ignorant or they will chose to not research the problems and conditions of the world. Many people are fine with this. War is never the answer, but should the world just sit back and watch horrible things happen? Some chose to say yes. I say no, as humans how can you not feel for the oppressed?

  24. Julie,

    First, I just wanted to say that I loved your article here. I do want to go on record as saying that I was opposed to the war in Iraq, not only on the false justification leading into it, but also the logistic problem of fighting a war in Iraq and Afghanistan at the same time.

    Having said that, it also has to be said that I really didn’t agree with the anti-war side of things either. I mean, the “blood for oil” conspiracy doesn’t really hold water when you consider that before the war, we were getting enough oil both domestically and from countries like Turkey. We really didn’t need to go to war to take someone else’s reserves.

    I’d also heard the argument that “We created Hussein, so we shouldn’t go to war!”. I don’t follow that logic. I concede that yes, US foreign policy DID appear to do a great deal toward building folks like Hussein (And Bin Laden in Afghanistan) up, these folks don’t seem to grasp that the government is not omniscient. It makes mistakes. But seriously? We made a mistake so we shouldn’t go and correct that? How does that even make sense?

    Another point I always trot out for the anti-war folks is this very little known fact: The original plan to remove Saddam in Iraq was to support a coup led by Uday Hussein. If you actually look at the type of guy Uday was, you’d begin to see that such a plan would be akin to overthrowing Hitler only to replace him with Stalin.

    And what of Hussein’s ambition to turn the Middle East into a new Babylon, with him as the head? I don’t know if that’s entirely true or not. But wouldn’t that have been FAR worse then taking care of him before it got to that point?

    Alright. Rant over. Again, I want to reiterate that just because you can be opposed to the justification for war, this doesn’t mean you have to be opposed to the war itself. That’s my take on it anyway.

    Thanks for reading, and thanks for writing.

  25. “As Nick Cohen pointed out, the anti-war movement united the worst elements of the Left – an amalgam of Marxist Leninists, George Galloway fanboys, and radical Islamists.”

    The anti-war sentiment was far more mainstream than the above assertion would have one believe – ordinary people reacting to their PM shamelessly trying to deceive them with ridiculous dossiers.

    Perhaps Nick Cohen should offer his opinion re the characters of the real fringe movement here, the small but active crowd of bloggers/tweeters in their futile but amusing attempts to rehabilitate the image of Tony Blair.

    Give it up. This cause was absurd to begin with but with the passing of years as more documentation comes into the public domain and retiring finger pointers come out of the woodwork, you are heaping more and more embarrassment on yourselves.

  26. From an American perspective, I can tell you that those who opposed – either from the start or later – opposed mainly because of how the war was justified. How much support would there have been had Bush and team said they wanted to invade Iraq to rid the world of a tyrant and free the Iraqi people? We will never know. What we do know is that Bush and his cabinet members and advisors wanted to invade Iraq not just after 9/11, but before Bush had even announced he’d run for President. They then used the emotions of 9/11 to push forward their goal. Had they stated from the start that they wanted to get rid of Saddam, we wouldn’t be having this debate. But do ends justify means?

    And in the US, pros and cons were not highly debated before decisions were made. Matter of fact all evidence shows that anyone that brought cons forward was shut down. We’re witnessing the remains of that in Hagel’s confirmation. Senators don’t oppose his views because they think they’re out of the mainstream. They oppose him because he raised serious questions about the war before and while it was taking place.

    Regardless, I don’t think everyone has forgotten. Those who lost loved ones remember. Those whose loved ones were affected in other ways remember. Personally, I hope my writing about my connection to the war reminds everyone. I hope anyone who writes or talks about it keeps it in our memories, especially as we talk about fighting other wars – justified or not.

  27. The same thing happened in World War II, Matt.

    Before Pearl Harbor, the American citizens were split down the middle on intervention in Europe, with one side not wanting to go to war in order to maintain a semblance of Isolationism, and the other half not wanting to go to war because they kinda liked that whole “Dealing with the Jewish Problem” idea.I’m being WAY simplistic here, but I think you get the point.

    But what we know now is that FDR had planned on entering America into the war all along. He had already begun to back “Volunteer” armies that would fight on behalf of the Chinese government. And he had plans to do the same thing for Britain and France. But the FDR was able to use the emotions of Pearl Harbor to get us to support a war effort. And we spent very little time weighing every option out before making this decision.

    So essentially what happened with us in 2003 was really no different than what happened in 1941. Did the ends justify the means there?

    (For the record: You asked that same question inre: Means and Ends. I don’t believe we really know that yet. And I don’t know if a clear answer will be coming up anytime soon)

  28. I appreciate your article, your attempt to keep it balanced, and the evolution of your views since your initial support for invading Iraq. In my own view, we had no more business taking down former ally Saddam Hussein than we had and have in Afghanistan. It was never, ever about helping people get out from under tyranny—-it was done for the West’s own foolish reasons based in fantasies of control and pure greed. Both operations will always be a disgrace to the U.S.

  29. Great article. The extra added amusement of reading the “blame it on Bush” comments and twisted facts reminds us of just how ignorant and stupid liberals are. Of course one only has to look at the person that occupies the White House to understand that.

  30. I don’t know that launching a war is usually the best way to end tyrannical regimes (and in this case, I’m pretty sure that wasn’t the reason the US and its allies went in). I mean, there is North Korea – as tyrannical as they come, and DEFINITELY in possession of WMD – but are we going in? By going in to Iraq and Afghanistan, the US has stirred up an ant’s nest, and so you have to count in the after-effects in Syria, Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, Palestine – and also 9/11 (and yes I realise it was before the 2nd Iraq war but it was also the product of intervention way beyond the borders and normal remit of the US). I’m not a total pacifist – I do believe wars may sometimes be necessary – but only if waged for the right reasons. I don’t think Iraq was one of those.

  31. One thing that I will never concede to the leftists is something that most conservatives have conceded, and I do not understand why. General Jorges Sada, Saddam’s right hand man, Bill Clinton, and Madeline Albright all believed that Saddam had WMD’s. Odds are that the scenario suggested by General Sada is absolutely what happened. WMD’s were moved out in trucks that were provided for aid right after the massive earthquake in Iraq, right in plain view for our satellites to see.

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